Election trends in East Germany: Why Crostwitz rejects the AfD
Election trends in East Germany: Why Crostwitz rejects the AfD
The political surveys strongly indicate that the state elections in Thuringia and Saxony could initiate a striking turn. In particular, the right -wing populist AfD, which is also classified by the protection of the constitution as secure right -wing extremist, has a clear lead over the CDU in Thuringia. In Saxony, on the other hand, the AfD is fighting for survival against the Union.
However, there is no prevailing blue wave everywhere in East Germany. The AfD seems to have little scope in the Sorbian community of Crostwitz, which is known for its political stability. Here the CDU Prime Minister Michael Kretschmer actively promotes Sorbian and emphasizes his role as "Prime Minister of all Saxony".
election behavior and local dynamics
Marko Klimann, the mayor of Crostwitz, explains that the embedding of the community does not depend on a single cause. "We have everything there is elsewhere, we are not an island of the blissful here," he says. In a rural idyll, residents fight with challenges such as the lack of accessibility of services. The village still has its own baker, but many shops are closed.
In the last state election, the AfD in Crostwitz had only 17 percent of the vote, while the nationwide average was over 28 percent. Even with the European elections, the AfD cut off with almost 21 percent miserable, far behind the CDU, which received the strongest support in this region with 48 percent.
religious and cultural influences
The strong Catholic community in Crostwitz could be an essential factor. With more than 3,700 believers, it is the largest Sorbian -speaking Catholic parish in Saxony, and its traditions have a stabilizing effect on the social structure of the village. Political scientist Hans Vorländer points out how religious ties and cultural identity in such regions act as coherent forces. Pastor Měrćin Deleńk underlines that despite all the political problems, people are deeply connected with their faith.
At the same time, the election result is not exclusively explained religiously or culturally. Klimann points out that the economic situation of the community, even if it is not rosy, has a positive impact on political socialization. The economic environment is more stable than in some other parts of Saxony. Although Crostwitz is affected by emigration, the population has been able to remain stable in recent years.
In contrast, the university city of Jena experiences a completely different dynamic. Here the population is significantly younger and educated, since almost every fifth is a student. The gross domestic product per employed person is not top nationwide with over 76,000 euros, but Jena admits a good position in Thuringia.
Before the elections, people in Jena urge the protection of their social values. Mayor Thomas Nitzsche emphasizes that every vote counts to prevent the AfD from obtaining decisive power in the state parliament. The feeling of urgency becomes particularly noticeable because the AfD received only 11 percent of the vote in the last state election in Jena while the left and the Greens were able to play a dominant role.
The communicative commitment of the citizens in Jena is high, which is reflected in massive protests against an election appearance of the AfD top candidate Björn Höcke. Such protests are not only an expression of political will, but also a sign of solidarity among the citizens.
Developments in both places show that despite a general trend in East Germany, different local phenomena are at work. Jena and Crostwitz represent examples in which an interaction of education, religious influence and local commitment enables a demarcation to the AfD. The choice at the weekend could not only influence the political situation, but also the local identities in a new direction.